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| Among the many seemingly intractable issues to be resolved before there can be peace between Palestinians and Israelis, there is one issue that both Israeli and Palestinian negotiators have seemed eager to avoid: the right of return for the 3.5 million Palestinian refugees. More than fifty years after these camps were first set up, these structures have taken on a permanence that is misleading-neither the refugees nor the host countries are open to the idea of the Palestinians permanently resettling within their borders. Lebanon is uniquely uninviting as a temporary home for these Palestinians because Palestinians are denied the legal right to work in any but the most unskilled jobs and are not eligible for Lebanese citizenship. In Lebanon, more than half of all young Palestinians are unemployed, and many of those who do have jobs are significantly underemployed. The camps have grown into Palestinian ghettos, which lack basic services, and are ignored or feared by many Lebanese who would never consider going into one of these Palestinian ghettos. Lebanon is home to an estimated 350,000 Palestinian refugees, of which an estimated 200,000 live in refugee camps. The largest of these camps is Ein el Helweh outside the city of Sidon, which holds as many as 70,000 Palestinian in an area of less than 2 km sq. Ein el Helweh can be a tense place. More than half a dozen different political movements-most of them armed-operate within the camp. The camp, like other refugee camps in Lebanon, is a law unto itself. Though the Lebanese Army controls access to the camp, no Lebanese soldier or policeman will ever enter the camp. In fact, there are residents of the camp who never leave its confines because they have been convicted in absentia by Lebanese courts for their activities during the Lebanese civil war and would be arrested at the camp entrance. The physical conditions of Ein el Helweh are no more encouraging. Utilities are not provided regularly, so that lack of electricity is the norm, and it is not unusual to find sewage running through the narrow alleys where children play. Under such conditions it was not unusual for petty disagreements to flare up into tit-for-tat shootouts or car bombings done under the thin excuse of political disagreements between the competing political parties. Because of these ingredients, Ein el Helweh has often seemed a hopeless place, one where despair reigns. In the past, most conversations with visiting foreigners have centered around discussing strategies on how to obtain an immigrant visa to the United States or Western Europe. Two events have recently changed this: Hizbollah's victory over Israel in Southern Lebanon, and the new "al-Aqsa Intifada" in Gaza and the West Bank. The psychological impact of the fact that the Israelis have now been defeated on the battlefield by Hizbollah and the pride the Palestinian Diaspora has in those Palestinians who are resisting the Israeli occupation cannot be overstated. Within Ein el Helweh there are indications that since the Intifada there has been greater cooperation between the political factions. There are many young men in the camps who would like to fight Israel head-on. Most observers believe that it would be difficult for Palestinians to again use Lebanon as a base against Israel. In fact, leaders in the camp say diplomatically that they would not even consider military action without permission from Lebanese groups and unless there were similar cross-border attacks launched from Jordan and Egypt. The question is, will the temptation be too great for the many Palestinians who may feel they have nothing to lose, and everything to gain.
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A view of the rooftops of the Ein el Helweh refugee camp in Lebanon. The camp was completely destroyed by the Israelis in 1982, but was subsequently rebuilt by the Palestinians. As chaotic as it seems, the camp does actually follow a certain internal logic: Refugee communities from each region of Palestine settled together in the camp, so the camp in some way mirrors the geographic layout of the Palestinian communities that were uprooted. Also, since the camp occupies a finite space, the only place to expand is upward, so growing families simply build another story to their homes for when sons grow old enough to raise a family of their own.
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A passageway among the maze of alleys that make up the Ein el Helweh refugee camp. The alleys do not run straight or follow a regular plan, so outsiders become hopelessly lost in the camp without a guide, a fact the Palestinians used to their advantage during the civil war.
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Market street in the Ein el Helweh refugee camp. Though most Lebanese would be frightened to enter the camp, some Lebanese do shop at the market because of the cheaper prices than are found in Lebanese markets. Most Palestinians will rarely leave the camp to shop, as most everything necessary for day to day living can be found in the camp.
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Salah Suleiman in front of a poster using a picture of the death of Mohammed Dura to call for the boycott of American products.
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Children hold a candlelight vigil to commemorate the fortieth day after the death of Mohammed Dura, the young boy who died in his father's arms in the crossfire between Palestinians and Israeli security forces and whose death was captured by a film crew. To most Palestinian children Mohammed Dura is the symbol of the Intifada.
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Hussein Saleh Mialeh, 73, a native of Akhbara Palestine, in his home in Ein el Helweh refugee camp holds the key to the house he was forced to flee in Palestine. Despite his age, Hussein hopes to return to Palestine eventually. "Inshallah [God willing]," he says. "Who is strengthening Israel? America! Hillary is saying she will put the embassy in Jerusalem. Israel can take whatever it wants from America."
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Palestinians watch a press conference by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak inside their home in the Ein el Helweh refugee camp in Lebanon. Palestinians in the camp follow events in Gaza and the West Bank--only a few hours drive away, but completely inaccessable--very closely by television.
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Friday afternoon prayers at a mosque inside the Ein el Helweh Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon. Most of the Palestinians in the camp are Sunni Muslims, and the influence of Islamists has been growing within the camp, creating tensions with the more liberal majority. Non-Muslims are absolutely forbidden from entering the mosque.
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A woman walks past a shop that rents European--style wedding dresses inside Ein el Helweh, the largest Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon.
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Fatmi Yusef, 54, a native of Smariyeh, Palestine. "What will happen to these children?" she asks. "People want to fight because we have a bad situation here in Ein el Helweh. Where are our human rights? People have to know that we have a home. They have to help us return to our home. We prefer to die in our home. I am not sad about the fighting in Palestine. We were waiting for this. We are waiting for the liberation of Palestine. We want to make peace but they don't want this. We could live with the Israeli people if they were peaceful people, but they are not. We would be proud to die fighting bad Israelis." Fatmi makes the point that her father had an Israeli friend who lived near their house before they were driven from their home. She says there is no reason why Jews and Muslims cannot live together peacefully: "Muhammad lived near Arab Jews, but why are Ethiopians taking our homes?"
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Girls study at the Marj Ben Amer school in the Ein el Helweh Palestinian camp in Lebanon. The school is administered by the United Nations [UNRWA]. There are often as many as 50 students in each class. The children seem well disciplined and motivated, despite the fact that there are few educational opportunities for them after they complete secondary school in the camp. Classes in the secondary schools are conducted in English.
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Aisha Abdullah, 53, mother of eleven, eats breakfast with her children and with her grandson on her lap. Aisha is from Ecksim, Palestine, near Haifa. Demographics may eventually determine the solution to the "Palestinian Question". Because of the much higher birthrate among Palestinians, demographers expect the population of Arabs with Israeli citizenship to outstrip the population of Israeli Jews in a few generations, even without adding in Palestinians living in Gaza and the West Bank.
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Lama Taha, 9, walking in one of the alleys that characterize the Ein el Helweh refugee camp. Lama aspires to be a teacher of one of her two favorite subjects: Arabic and Religion. "The jews kill little children and they want to take Al Aqsa. They occupy our home." Lama says that she thinks that she will see Palestine soon. As I spoke with Lama about Palestine, other children played around her. A relative to Lama admonished the children, "You must always be serious when discussing Palestine." Lama nodded gravely in agreement.
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Mohhamed Nimr Yussef, born in 1938 in Smariyeh, Palestine, shows his birth certificate issued by the British Mandate authorities in Palestine. "My grave will be in my country. Why are the Jews still there? It is my village, our village."
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The camp itself is not homogenous. Within the camp is an extremely poor section called "Ozo" that features even more cramped living quarters and even less adequate sanitation. Open sewers run down the middle of the constricted alleys where the children play, and a single toilet is often shared by three large families.
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Amar al Ali, 35, a resident of "Ozo", the poorest section of the Ein el Helweh camp, and his children. Amar was wounded in the 1980s in fighting between Fatah and the Lebanese Amal Militia. Amar receives a monthly pension from Fatah of $60/month, which must feed and clothe his family of six.
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Girls draw a picture of the al-Aqsa mosque on the blackboard of their school in their free time. Now Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's visit to the al-Aqsa mosque was the catalyst for the current Palestinean uprising. Sharon is widely seen as responsible for massacres of Palestinean civilians during Israels occupation of Lebanon.
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Traffic in the maze of alleys that make up the Ein el Helweh refugee camp. The alleys do not run straight or follow a regular plan, so outsiders become hopelessly lost in the camp without a guide, a fact the Palestinians used to their advantage during the civil war.
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Zahra Sahleh Yussef, 10, returns home from school in the Ein el Helweh Palestinian refugee camp.
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A Fatah guard in the Ein el Helweh Palestinian refugee camp with a sticker of Fatah and Palestinian Authority president Yasser Arafat on the ammunition clip of his gun.
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Men help Mohammed, 5, with the symbols of the new Intifada: a rock and a gun, at a demonstration in the Ein el Helweh Palestinian camp in Lebanon.
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Palestinians burn Israeli and American flags at a rally inside the Ein el Helweh refugee camp in Lebanon. One Palestinian said, "Do you know why we burn flags at these things? It used to be that photographers wouldn't come to our demonstrations unless we burnt a flag." |
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Stephen Wallace and may not be republished or redistributed in any form without
permission. |
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